in 1990 VP Singh used Dalit card of Mondal commission report to contain BJP and its Rathayatra business, giving rise to the emergence of a series of Lohiayites leaders and Dalit leaders across the north Indian cow belt as future political heavy weights. Although it was a desperate survival attempt of VP singh and his coterie than a socially conscious egalitarian move, It certainly had its lasting impact on Indian politics especially by exposing the Right wing hindutva ideology's so called upper caste mind set and also setting the base for emergence of Dalit or the so called non- uppercaste political front as decisive factor in Indian Democracy. One certainly can not overlook the preceding Dalit affirmative movements and its influence in Kerala, Karnataka, Andhrapradesh, Tamilinadu and Maharashtra. But unfortunately in the number game of Indian political democracy, the cow belt of north India and its influence remains a major stigma in Indian politics.
Although at that point of time even as it was known to all Dalit parties in India that they were being used as pone for someone else battle ( VP Singh gang vs BJP vs Congress), the Dalit movement and its leaders were smart enough to take advantage of the situation and benefited a lot with a larger say and visibility in Indian politics.
Now with cow belt elections are once again becoming prominent where the right wing hindutva party BJP's survival is dependent on those outcome, once again Dalit politics is becoming centre of activity in Indian politics. The battle is fought now between RSS vs Bhoomihars vs Dalits overtly and BJP vs Congress vs BSP vs other Lohiaites at the hind sight. AAP with only a leader without an ideology would not stick in this game for the next one year for upcoming elections.
Interestingly 2016 is not 1990s. A large section of Dalits are not as underprivileged as it was in 1990s. A highly educated, politically conscious and articulative youths with capability to bargain, negotiate and defend their case have emerged from the community. BJP is still struggling with issues that VP Singh had brought forwarded 1990s : the inept regressive social outlook of caste and creed priorities of RSS, the so called ideological mentor of BJP than their 'OBC' prime minister's so called development agenda and other issues including the Dalits and reservation issues
Congress is waiting for the Kamaraj- Indira moment with Rahul Gandhi and his block as they are waiting to strike their party for a vertical take over from the old block.
Majority of regional parties have lost or are loosing their bargain power. ( AAP with their one leader charisma alone is certainly not going to last without an ideology among all ideologically positioned parties in India and history proves that corruption as motivation factor in Indian politics is a non issue beyond its one leap or surge. Also one can not forget that that AAP politics, like BJP certainly has its roots in Patriarchal hindutva leaning and during his Delhi election campaign, many times Kejriwal himself has claim.ed his Bania blood lineage to socially confirm his position ) .
Unlike 1990s a large section of Indians have tasted success and social up mobility of economic affluence through technology and outside of crony capitalist family controlled industries. They have disposable income to demand their aspirations as their right, and social network to express their arguments.
BJP with its regressive mentors with caste and cow mindset even if present a contradictory positioning of development agenda is not good enough to stand this second coming of Mondal moment in Indian politics and with all other complex factor that are emerging in India- including some of the above mentioned issues, it certainly is batting a weak wicket.
Important factor to look forward is, like in 90s whether Dalit would be in a position to benefit from this social surge remains a big question. In 90s there was a large section of political leaders who believed and worked in electoral politics have spear headed the social agenda in Indian democracy. Unfortunately present surge seems to be dominated only by a section of social activists and NGO academia who limit their advocacy to a reactionary activism than a political participation. Tragedy would be the spend forces of old guard from Dalit politics once again taking the centre stage to make use of the present surge and that too only for their limited world view of practical politics than a way forward for the community.
Also unlike many consider Anandi ben moment as an outcome of Dalit affirmation, one should not forget the patidar impetus in it, clearly indicating the battle is fought elsewhere.
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